Ancient Egypt in Africa: the view from Nubia (chapter 3 of Africans exploring Africa)) (Patreon)

"Few societies in human history excite the mind as ancient Egypt does and, indeed, has for millennia, but the popular concept of pharaonic Egypt as a unified, homogeneous, and isolated cultural entity is misleading. The Egypt of antiquity was, rather, a rich tapestry of social, religious, technological, and economic interconnections among numerous cultures from disparate lands".

The relationship between Egypt and its neighbors in North-eastern Africa has been a hotly debated subject since the beginning of Egyptology. It was often framed from an Egyptian perspective, with stories of ambitious Pharaohs who organized daring expeditions into the African 'interior' and sent armies to conquer the kingdoms they found. But recent studies have put the history of Nubia and Punt into sharper focus, revealing their relationship with Egypt to be invariably complex and reciprocal, providing more evidence that Nubia and Puntites were an integral part of ancient Egyptian society.

Seen from the perspective of Nubia and Punt, their northern neighbor wasn't simply a distant land that only became known to them when its armies marched south. Ancient Egypt was instead a diplomatic and commercial partner that was regulary visited by Nubians and Puntite in various capacities, some of whom settled in the kingdom and became acculturated. Nubian military allies, Puntite merchants, Kushite adminsitrators and priestess were well intergrated into Egyptian society from the beginnings of the Old kingdom until its conquest by Rome.

This article explores the history of Ancient Egypt in its north-east African context, focusing on the people from Nubia and Punt who traveled to and settled in Egypt between 3,000 BC and 30BC, and their contribution to ancient Egyptian civilization.

painting depicting Nubian and Egyptian soldiers besieging a fortress that was defended by Asiatics, chapel of Khnumhotep I,  Beni Hassan, 12th Dynasty. ca. 1990 BC

Nubians in ancient Egypt from the Early dynastic period to the First intermediate Period (3000-2055BC)

Ancient Egypt emerged at the turn of the 4th millennium BC in a region of North-eastern Africa that was teeming with complex societies. The region to its south, which the Egyptians refered to as 'Nubia', was home to several early states including the 'A-Group' and 'C-group' in Lower Nubia (southern Egypt), Kerma/Kush in Upper Nubia (northern Sudan) as well as Medjay and Punt in eastern Sudan. Most of these 'Nubian' states remained independent for much of their history, save for the Egyptian expansion into lower Nubia between 1900-1700BC and its expansion into Kerma between 1500-1000BC.

I'll thus focus on the Nubians from independent kingdoms who visited and settled in ancient Egypt out of their own volition, besides the better-known 7th century Kushite kings who conquered Egypt.

An abundance of archeological evidence indicates that various Nubian populations from the Neolithic 'A-Group' (ca. 3800-3000BC) and 'C-group' (ca. 2500-1500BC) cultures were settled in various Egyptian sites from the pre-dynastic and early-dynastic era such as Naqada, Elkab, Hierakonpolis and Elephantine (all in modern Egypt). The presence of these populations is particulary strong for the C-group culture, whose settlements extended as far north as Hierakonpolis, with a large cemetary complex, whose remains showed that they were part of a long-term population in Egypt that was well integrated and of similar health as the Egyptians. These Nubians were likely to have been active in the regional trade between Egypt and Nubia, and may have been employed in various capacities in Egypt as mercenaries, or as part of the congregation associated with worship of the goddess Hathor.

(Oxford handbook of ancient Nubia pg 290-293)

There is evidence from as early as 6th Dynasty that diverse groups of Nubians provided the Egyptians with mercenaries in their campaigns against other foreigners. When Weny, the governor of Upper Egypt, was commissioned by the Pharaoh Pepy I (c. 2330 BC) to command an expedition into Palestine, he gathered allied troops not only from Upper and Lower Egypt but also the then independent Nubian polities of the south, including; the “Nubians of Irtjet, Nubians of Medja, Nubians of Yam, Nubians of Wawat and Nubians of Kaw". These forces campaigned against the 'Asiatic' groups of Egypt’s eastern frontier, and the distances traversed by such Nubians across Egypt must have been great.

(Foreigners at Benni Hassan pg 111-114, Daily life of Nubians pg 47)

By the time that the Old kingdom's collapse gave way to the First Intermediate period, the Nubians who settled in Egypt became almost entirely acculturated and chose to be buried in a mixed Nubian-Egyptian way; with Egyptian grave stelae made for themselves and their families. Since the 'ethnicity' of nubians in an Egyptian context was often fluid and dependent on their status, these elite Nubians can only be identified as such through a combination of markers, such as their epiphet 'Nehesy', clothing (skull cap and leather loincloth), weapons (bows), and color iconography (black or brown skin). Some of the best preserved Nubian stela come from the Egyptian city of Gebelin during the 1st intermediate period, they show elite Nubians often with their familes as well as their Egyptian wives and/or servants, using an iconographic style that would re-occur in the later periods of Egyptian history.

(Looking for Nubians in Egypt pg 443-448)

Stela of a Nubian, Nenu, his Egyptian wife Sekhathor, their son and daughter, a servant, and Nenu’s hunting dogs. ca. 2124 - 2030 BC, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston 

Stela of Tjenenu, his wife, four brothers and his attendant. ca 2118–1980 BC, Egyptian museum of Turin 

Stele of Kedes, his wife and son receiving offerings. ca. 2170-2025 BC. SMB Berlin  part of his text reads: "I surpassed this town in its entirety in swiftness -Its Nubians and its Upper Egyptians"

“Nubian” archers. Register 5, east wall, chapel of Khnumhotep I, Beni Hassan, 12th Dynasty.

Nubians in ancient Egypt from the Middle kingdom to the Second intermediate Period (2050-1570BC)

Nubians are well attested in Old Kingdom and Middle Kingdom Egyptian religious contexts, particulary in the worship of Hathor, goddess of the revel, dance, religious procreation and rebirth, cosmic creation, and harmonic renewal. While Egyptian women comprised the majority of the priestesses of Hathor, Nubian women are attested over several millennia as dancers in the celebration of the cult from the Middle Kingdom (2000–1700 bce) until the Roman period (30 bce–395 ce).

Royal Women who bore the titles royal wife, priestess of Hathor, and “Sole Royal Ornament” were buried in rich tombs surmounted by private chapels on the platform of the funerary complex of the Eleventh Dynasty king, Nebhetepre Mentuhotep II (2055-2004 BC). Additionally, three mummified women who bore multiple tattoos were discovered in the adjacent triangular courtyard north of Mentuhotep II’s funerary complex. One woman’s name was preserved – Amunet – along with her titles “Priestess of Hathor” and “King’s favorite ornament. Her body, and the bodies of the other two women, are profusely tattooed

(Dancing for Hathor pg 67)

Amunet served as a priestess of the goddess Hathor during Egypt’s Dynasty XI, which is roughly contemporary in time with Nubia’s C-Group culture. While these three women are the earliest examples of the practice of tattooing in Egypt, the practice is well-attested at a much older date in Nubia. More than 43 mummified bodies with tattoos have been recovered in archeological sites of C-Group Nubia, such as at Kuban and Hierakonpolis – almost all of which were exclusively female.

Amunet's definitively Nubian origin, lends more weight to the suggestion that Mentuhotep's two wives; Kawit and Kemsit, who were also Hathor priestesses, and his consort Aashyt, were of Nubian origin, as they are shown with the color-iconography associated with Egyptian depictions of Nubians. Representations of Nubian women dancing for Hathor would appear more frequently during the later New kingdom period, in which they introduced the so-called 'neck dance' as well as the re-enactment of the goddesses' spiritual journey from Nubia to Egypt.

(Dancing for Hathor pg 69-73, Dancing for Hathor: Women in Ancient Egypt pg 115-117)

Tattoos of the Women from Deir el-Bahari

Facsimile of the painting on the inner front side of the sarcophagus of Aashyt, First Intermediate Period–Middle Kingdom, met museum 

In the Middle Kingdom, the Semna dispatches, which are dated to the reign of Amenemhat III (d. 1814 BC), not only speak of small groups of Medjay searching for a chance to immigrate into Egyptian territory but also mention Medjay troops securing Egypt’s southern border against these trespassers. In the Second Intermediate Period (1650–1550BC) when Lower Egypt was invaded by the Hyksos and the Nubian kingdom of Kerma advanced into lower Nubia to sandwich the Thebean Kingdom, a document dated to Sobekhotep II's reign refers to an official delegation of high-ranking Medjay to the royal court.

Several papyri from the city of Lahun, which formed a border between the Thebean kingdom and the Hyksos who had invaded Egypt, mention Medjay dancers related to rituals in the temple of Senusret II. There are indications that many Medjay allied with the Thebean rulers were employed in mining, but especially as mercenaries that played an active role in the Thebean expulsion of the Hyksos and later invasion of Kerma by the Thebean king Kamose (1555–1500BC). The second Kamose stela informs about Medjay mercenaries in the Theban army at the beginning of the New Kingdom.

(The Oxford handbook of ancient Nubia pg 294-296)

During the second intermediate period, the Hyksos kingdom maintained an active commercial and political relationship with the kingdom of Kerma, with both states often sending envoys and merchants via the western desert inorder to bypass the Theban kingdom. A list of proto-Meroitic names found on the Golenischeff papyrus, which dates from 15700BC, likely represents a diplomatic delegation from Kush to the Hyksos. This document, which was found at Crocodilopolis in the Fayum, a starting point on the string of oases that connected Lower Egypt and Kush, provides evidence for the excellent diplomatic relations between Kush and Hyksos that were decried by the Thebean kings. Evidence for Kushite-Hyksos relations is indicated by the abovementioned second Kamose stela which includes intercepted diplomatic correspondence between the two rulers.

(The Meroitic Language pg 5-6, Between two worlds pg 112-113)

Puntites in ancient Egypt during the New kingdom period (1570-1070BC)

After Kamose's sucessors founded the 'new Kingdom' Egypt, they completed the expulsion of the Hyksos and invaded Kerma, leaving the polities of Punt as the only independent states in north-east Africa besides Egypt.

During the heyday of the Kerma kingdom , the Red Sea had enabled the Egyptians of the Middle kingdom to bypass the Nubian intermediaries who controlled the trading route to Punt. Acquisition of Puntite goods was revived during the New kingdom as expeditions to Punt via the Red Sea played a significant role in Egyptian politics. Queen Hatshepsut (1473–1458BC), declared that the god Amun had ordered her to launch a Red Sea fleet to reopen trade with Punt as part of an ambitious program of legitimation for her rule that incorporated an array of domestic institutions. Puntite incense and other exotica brought back from the shores of the southern Red Sea benefited particularly the cult of Amun and its growing social and political prominence.

(Pharaoh's land and beyond pg 28-29)

Puntites had been known in Egypt since they arrived on Egyptian ships in the Old Kingdom, and archeological evidence from the Egyptian red-sea port of Saww (Mersa Gawasis) indicates that both Puntites and Kushites from Kerma were settled at the site, likely as part of the crew of the vessels that sailed to Punt, or as traders who brought their goods to Egypt.

However, its during the New Kingdom that we get the earliest evidence that they traveled aboard their own watercraft to Egypt. An unknown Egyptian official's tomb at Thebes from the reign of Amenhotep II (1447-1420BC) contains a relief which includes a representation of two Puntite sailing vessels, bringing their own trading goods to an Egyptian port, where they bartered them for Egyptian goods. The representation of Puntite ships appears to be stylized, with rounded hulls and a small crew that included a captain, steersman, a stevedore, a cook, and a woman and child as passengers. The goods they brought mostly consisted of myrrh and incense trees, and its likely that the vessels utilised a riverine route into Egyptian Nubia (possibly at Kurgus) rather than sailing to the red sea.

(Kpn-boats, Punt Trade, and a Lost Emporium pg 55-58, The Ethiopian borderlands pg 13-14)

The fundamental Egyptian-Puntite relationship was one of trade, not political subordination, its therefore not unlikely that Puntite rulers, who controlled a region perceived to be a sacred 'God's land' by the Egyptians, were treated as independent rulers who could be received in diplomatic capacity. Other New kingdom reliefs of tribute scenes of example include depictions of Puntite chiefs bringing their goods to Egypt. A New kingdom tomb TT 39 relief depicts two individuals captions "chiefs of punt", providing further evidence that the Puntites were travelling on their own account to Egypt probably on diplomatic missions. Another inscription from the reign of King Harmbab (1350-1325BC) contains a relief showing him receiving chiefs from Punt, they are shown bring sacks of gold and ostrich feathers.

(The Ethiopian borderlands pg 14-15)

Puntites arriving by boat and presenting their goods, wall scene in TT '43 (tomb of Min) at Thebes.

reign of Amenhotep II (1427-I401 B.C.)

Two 'Chiefs of Punt': restored line drawing of wall scene in TT I43 (Tomb of Min) at Thebes

Kushites in ancient Egypt from the Second Intermediate period to the Late period (1070-332BC)

The collapse of the New kingdom in 1069BC, marked the beginning of Third Intermediate Period, when the country was mostly ruled by foreign powers, among which were the Kushite rulers of the 25th dynasty (755–656BC). The story of Kush's conquest of Egypt and the 5 kings who ruled the 'double Kingdom' of Egypt and Kush has been covered in greater detail here: 

What hasn't received as much attention were the royals and elites from Kush who travelled with their Kings to Egypt where they settled and were intergrated into Egyptian society. Evidently, the Kushite kings who conquered Egypt came with their families and other royals to govern their northern realm. These high ranking members of the royal court are traceable by several sources, especially statues, stelae and tomb monuments.

Kushite royal women who arrived in Thebes during the 25th Dynasty represented various social strata. There were members of the royal family who assumed the role of the 'God’s wife of Amun' such as Amenirdis I, Shepenwepet II, and Amenirdis II, as well as a royal granddaughter, Wedjarenes. The Kushite God’s Wives and Wedjarenes took new, Egyptian names and were buried in a mostly Egyptian manner, which would otherwise make them imperceptible from other Egyptians had it not been for the textual evidence which identifies them as Kushite.

(Are Women the Key to Understanding the Kushite Presence in Egypt pg 22-23)

As an example of the presence of Kushite royal women in Egypt is a document by King Taharqa, which mentions that his coronation at Memphis was witnessed by his mother, Abar, who traveled from Nubia in order to be present at the investiture.

"[The queen-mother] was in Napata as King’s Sister, amiable in love, King’s Mother.... Now, I had been separated from her as a youth of twenty years.... Then she went north to [the Northland where I was] after a long period of years, as she found me crowned [as king upon the throne of Horus]...she rejoiced greatly [when she saw] the beauty of his Majesty."

(Daily life of the Nubians pg 167-168)

Statues of the Kushite God's wives of Amun Amenirdis I, Shepenwepet II,. at the cairo museum

Copper-alloy statue of the princess Takushit (translated: "the Kushite") with precious metal inlay and hieroglyphic inscriptions  -national archaeological museum, Athens reign of Tarhaqa of Kush (690-665BC). She was the daughter of Ma Akanosh and her name indicates that she was connected to the Kushites either by birth or marriage.

Besides the royal women, many key offices, like the post of mayor of Thebes, were held by Kushites who were selected and appointed by the king. Princes and non-royal officials were installed as High Priests, as well as in other offices, and marriage alliances with leading Egyptian families are well attested.

-However, the apparent absence of non-royal Kushites is mostly due to the difficulty in identifying 'Kushites' in Egyptian context. This is especially important given that such 'ethnic' markers were only relevant to the elites; as the rest of the Kushites (and anyone from Nubia) were a consistent and integral part of Egyptian society and - with the exception of the royal family - did not represent themselves as a group. Nevertheless, the presence of Kushites in Egypt can be determined in funerary contexts, based on small details such as the spelling of personal names, and the representations of individuals.

(Kushite tomb groups in Late Period Thebes pg 503, Oxford handbook of ancient Nubia pg 477-478)

The two key sites for Nubian burials from the 25th Dynasty, both from the royal family and various social strata, are Thebes and Abydos. The important role of both sites during the 25th Dynasty is well illustrated by the burials of Kings, royal women and their courtiers, including male members of the royal family. Equally significant is the burial of prince Ptahmaakheru, the only known burial in Egypt for a son of a Kushite ruler. Perhaps as early as 720 BC, officials of Kushite origin had already opened an elite cemetery at the 'Northern Asasif' site in Thebes. Notably, there are several parallels between the tomb architecture used by Kushites in Thebes and at Abydos, which were also reflected in monuments in Nubia, indicating a shared funerary tradition across the double kingdom.

(Kuschiten in Theben, Nubians in the 1st Millennium BC in Egypt pg 699)

Other prominent Kushites buried in Thebes include; the mayor of Thebes and Fourth Prophet of Amun named Karabesken; and the aq-priest named Karakhamum. Both of them retained their Kushite names and were buried in large monumental temple tombs (TT 391) and (TT 223) in the South Asasif dated to the 7th century. Kushites burials were also found in the tomb (TT 99) including an openwork coffin case of Niw, d aughter of Padiamun, Priest of Amun in Gempaaton (Kawa), as well as several officials who bore the name of King Shabako and the Amun priests; Wedjahor and Horenpe. Another important tomb is TT34 belonged to Udjarenes, the Kushite wife of Montuemhat - a mayor of Thebes, she is represented in the reliefs of the tomb both as Nubian and as Egyptian

(Kushite tomb groups in Late Period Thebes pg 504-505, 510)

Several temple and tomb reliefs as well as stelae in Thebes and Abydos also contain representations of Kushites who served in various administrative capacities.

Among the most prominently depicted Kushite officials of the 25th dynasty were Pekartror and Iriketakana. The former was a general who came to Egypt from Nubia when he was 20 years old to attend his mother's burial at Abydos. Her name was Paabtameri, the King's sister and divine adoratress of Amun. While Pekartror had royal connections (albeit unrecognized as such), Iriketakana was a non-royal high official whose ' statue was found in the Thebean temple complex of Karnak. Another Kushite official found at Thebes was Pekhor-En-Khonsu, a contemporary of Iriketakana and served as a doorkeeper at the temple of Amun. All are shown wearing a characteristic Kushite cloak, which first appeared in Egypt during the 25th Dynasty and is common in Kushite figures found in Nubia.

(The "Kushite Cloak" of Pekartror and Iriketakana)

Another series of tombs was built in the Northern Asasif during the same period and contains many Kushite burials such as tomb VII which belonged to a family of Kushite origin with the names of Irw and Kherirw. The tomb likely belonged to Irw while Kherirw was his wife, but it also contained the coffins of Irw's father and mother named; Pakhor and Shepet-Iset , as well as those of Kherirw's father and mother named; Pawen and Rnmj. The personal names in the inscriptions on the coffins support the identification of these individuals as Kushite, as well as their burial equipment and Kushite-style representation used on their coffins.

(Kushite tomb groups in Late Period Thebes pg 506-510)

The southern Asasif with the monumental tombs of the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty

Kherirw in indigenous Kushite garments on her inner coffin from Tomb VII

Stela of Pekartror,  25th Dynasty (747-656 BC) Egypt, University of Chicago  

It should however be emphasized that these distinctly Kushite burials, numbering about 20-40, are exceptions to the rule. In general, Kushites were thoroughly acculturated into ancient Egypt, they adopted Egyptian names, used Egyptian material culture, worshiped Egyptian deities, settled in Egyptian spaces with their familes and married Egyptian women and men. Consequently, a large number of offspring from Kushite-Kushite or Kushite-Egyptian pairs must have been born in Egypt and stayed in their new homeland after the retreat of the Kushite rulers in 653 BC. The majority of Kushites in Egypt therefore remain invisible archaeologically, and the few who are visible often show 'the voluntarily exhibited heterogeneity of foreigners'

(Oxford handbook of ancient Nubia pg 477)

The 25th dynasty ended after the Assyrian invasions of Egypt in 663BC, which ultimately forced the last Kushite ruler, Tanwetamani, back to Kush. However, several Kushite officials stayed in office after the removal of Tanwetamani. The most notable of these was Shepenwepet, the God’s Wife of Amun, who occupied the most powerful priestly position in Thebes. Another Kushite official who stayed in Egypt was Harkhebi, High Priest of Amun at Thebes, the grandson of Shabaqo. Another was Queen Peksater, the wife of the 25th Dynasty king Piankhy, whose stelae is dated to around 630.

(Oxford handbook of ancient Nubia pg 495)

Kushites in Egypt during the Ptolemaic kingdom (332-30BC)

The Kushite officials mentioned above would've stayed during the 'Late period' when Egypt was under the control of the native dynasties as well as the Persian empire, which eventually gave way to the Greek-Ptolemaic kingdom of Egypt beginning with Alexander's conquest. During this period, relations between Kush and Egypt were strained and there haven't been as many studies on the presence of Nubians in Egypt compared to the later era of Greek rule.

Kush reacted to Alexander's conquest of Egypt by sending expeditions into lower Nubia and parts of Upper Egypt. In return, around 319BC, Alexander's sucessor, Ptolemy I directed his own expedition into lower Nubia and occupied it, with Kush retaining its traditional territory beyond the 2nd cataract, save for the period from 207-186 BC when it briefly retook the region. The impact of the Ptolemaic-Kushite contacts was decisive, with a reinvigoration of diplomatic, commercial and religious exchanges between the two states.

Kushites are attested as residents in Egypt and translators employed for dealing with them are occasionally encountered in Ptolemaic documents.

(Graeco-Africana pg 179)

However, just as it was difficult to identify resident 'Kushites' was for the 25th dynasty, its even more difficult to identify them during the Ptolemaic period, which is further complicated by the fluid nature in which 'ethnicity' was recognized in Ptolemaic times. Despite this, there are a number of identifiable people living in the Egyptian cities of Gebelein and Edfu who are identifiably Nubian in origin, coming from Kush itself or from the emerging polities such as the Blemmeyan chiefdom. Like all foreigners (Greek or otherwise), these often had their ancestral origins attached to their names; eg 'Igs ms n Kmy' meant ‘Kushite born in Egypt’, while 'Blhm ms n Kmy' meant ‘Blemmye born in Egypt’, others include 'Nhs' for ‘Nubian’ (presumably from lower Nubia), 'Mhbr' for Megabaroi (presumably Kushites from Meroe itself).

We thus find a Blemmyan born-in-Egypt at Edfu in 219BC, two Meroites at Edfu in 217BC, another Blemmyan at Edfu in 153BC, a Kushite at Gebelen around 150BC, a Nubian in Gebelen in 103BC, and many others. That their names appear in Egyptian temple records indicates their relatively high social status, these documents were drawn up by Egyptian scribes who worked on behalf of the corporations of priests connected to the temples, following long established traditions. They therefore also indicate that these 'Nubian' families were well established in Egypt for some time and were active members of Egyptian society.

(Ethnicity in Ptolemaic Egypt pg 18-20)

There are several sculptures depicting 'aethiopian' figures in Ptolemaic art which indicates the presence of resident Nubians and/or Kushites in Ptolemaic Egypt, as this ethnonym was used for people coming from the region south of Egypt and beyond. Several of these aethiopian figures represent 'priestesses' who are often women, but there some which depict warriors/soldiers who are often men, and attendants/servants who are often boys. The most prominent of these aeithiopian figures appear to have been women in religious contexts, often shown richly dressed and are depicted in a variety of poses that emphasize their piety.

(Hellenistic and Roman Terracottas from Egypt)

Egyptian terracotta statuette of Nubian priestess, Ptolemaic period, Budapest, Museum of Fine Arts 

The predominance of Nubian women in Ptolemaic religious contexts is further corroborated by textural accounts from temples which mention the presence of women from the countries south of Egypt among the worshippers and priestly class.

The Ptolemaic Temple of Hathor at Medamud, near Thebes, contains the most detailed description of Nubian dancers from lower Nubia and Punt arriving to Egypt with the returning Goddess. The text reads that;

"Mntyw-people perform the ceremonial gsgs-dance (neck-dance) with their traditional clothing, while the Styw-people dance holding their staves, the nomads throw themselves down in front of you, and the inhabitants of Punt declaim for you"

(Dancing for Hathor pg 80-85)

This description of Nubians in Egyptian Thebes is strikingly similar to the activities of Nubian worshippers in the Egyptian temples of Lower Nubia beginning in the 3rd century BC, connected to the goddess Isis. This was especially true for the island of Philae, where many 'Megabaroi and Blemmyean' aethiopians resided and where Kushite officials and their followers arrived from Meroitic Nubia as representatives of the Meroitic kings. These African worshippers and dances continued participating in cultic life in Roman Egypt and would play a pivotal role in the spread of Egyptian religious practices across the mediteranean world.

(Calling out to Isis, Between the Two worlds pg 395, 407-409)

Conclusion: Ancient Egypt in its North-east African context.

The above overview of North-east Africans in ancient Egypt reveals that the level of population and cultural exchange between Egypt and its southern neighbors was often more complex than is often acknowledged in Egyptian historiography. Moving beyond the Egyptian royal bombast and stereotyped iconography, shows that the actual interaction across North-east Africa was not solely dictated by Egyptians but was instead a complex affair in which Nubian interests would attimes take precedence.

This expands on my older essay on "Race" in ancient Egypt where my central argument is that there was never any clearly identifiable and consistent ethnic/geographic demarcation separating 'Egyptians' and 'Nubians' as they are currently identified in modern historiography, thus discrediting the popular misconception that Egyptians were "non-black" while Nubians were "black".

In all, the level of interconnectedness in ancient north-eastern Africa fits into the broader partners of exchange seen across the rest of Africa, providing more evidence about Africans' travel across different regions and the extent of African's knowledge of their own continent.

References:

Pharaoh's Land and Beyond: Ancient Egypt and Its Neighbors edited by Pearce Paul Creasman

The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia By Geoff Emberling, Bruce Williams

Daily Life of the Nubians by Robert Steven Bianchi

Between Two Worlds: The Frontier Region Between Ancient Nubia and Egypt By László Török

Dancing for Hathor: Women in Ancient Egypt By Carolyn Graves-Brown

Graeco-Africana: Studies in the History of Greek Relations with Egypt and Nubia by Stanley Mayer Burstein

Ethnicity in Ptolemaic Egypt By Koen Goudriaan

Hellenistic and Roman Terracottas from Egypt By László Török

The Meroitic Language and Writing System By Claude Rilly

The Ethiopian Borderlands by Richard Pankhurst

Calling Out to Isis: The Enduring Nubian Presence at Philae by Solange Ashby

Looking for Nubians in Egypt by Dorris Pelmer

Dancing for Hathor: Nubian Women in Egyptian Cultic Life by Solange Ashby

Kpn-boats, Punt Trade, and a Lost Emporium by L Bradbury

Are Women the Key to Understanding the Kushite Presence in Egypt by Marta Kaczanowicz

Kushite tomb groups in Late Period Thebes By Julia Budka

Kuschiten in Theben By Julia Budka

Nubians in the 1st Millennium BC in Egypt by Julia Budka

The "Kushite Cloak" of Pekartror and Iriketakana by Aleksandra Hallmann

Tattooed Women from Nubia and Egypt by Luc Renaut

Foreigners at Beni Hassan by Anna-Latifa Mourad

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